Respectfully yours, Lucy M. Ingersoll
(1845-1916)

By MaryAnn S. Terpstra and Michael G. Terpstra
Copyright 2008

A woman born on the American frontier in 1845 generally could expect a short, hard life. Childbirth and subsistence farming took a heavy toll. Lucy Merrill Ingersoll was able to choose another path. She was educated, single and determined to be of service to others.

The open frontier beckoned to those with a vision of a Utopian society. Lucy’s father, Rev. Elihu Ingersoll, a college professor, undertook planning for a Christian community dedicated to high ideals. Many such organizations succeeded or faltered in the middle decades of the 19th century. He toured the eastern states from 1836-38 to raise money and recruit settlers. He was part of the group that drew maps and outlined proposals for a Grand River settlement and seminary in Michigan. Eventually the results of the 1837 US financial crash ended the funding and the vision. Apparently he still held high hopes for the territory and moved his family to Michigan sometime after 1839.1

Lucy was born in Mt. Clemens, Michigan, on July 1, 1845.2 Three of her five brothers and sisters were born in other towns in Michigan.3 The family appears to have moved every 2 or three years between 1845 and 1852. As a minister, her father may have been called to lead several Congregational churches in various fledgling communities.

At some point, Lucy’s family decided to join the abolitionist trek to Kansas. Oberlin College was founded in 1833 by abolitionist Congregational Christians. Her father was one of the first faculty members.4 The Congregational church and other denominations of the time encouraged ministers and parishioners to settle in the Border State. They planned to make sure that the anti-slavery faction had a firm hold. It can be assumed that the Ingersolls witnessed many violent and bloody events prior to and during the Civil War. The settlers in Kansas lived in fear of raiders who indiscriminately burned homesteads and towns, and murdered the residents.

Fort Riley is about 20 miles west of Wabaunsee County where the Ingersoll family settled prior to 1859. The US Cavalry built the frontier fort in 1853 to protect the emigrant trails. The territorial government first formed in Fort Riley in 1855. Over the years, her older brother became increasingly active in the statehood movement. Before Kansas became a state in 1861, the family moved to Republican, Kansas. The census of 1880 lists the Ingersolls as residents of Grant in Clay County. It appears that in the space of 20 years or so the family moved several times within a radius of 20 or 30 miles of Fort Riley.5

Lucy’s father strongly influenced her educational upbringing. She noted in one of her letters that he had a wide range of intellectual interests. Apparently she shared conversations with him on many topics. She grew up on the American frontier with a privileged education in music, theology and more. At the same time, others of her generation were poorly educated, living on hardscrabble farms with US cavalry and Indian encounters as part of the ordinary fabric of life.

After her education was largely complete, she became a teacher. The census of 1880 lists her occupation and records that she was with her parents at the time. Her passion to be of service to others is no surprise. Her father, a graduate of Yale in 1832 and the first music professor at Oberlin College in Ohio, founded Oberlin’s renowned Conservatory of Music. Her great-great-grandfather was the legendary preacher Jonathan Edwards. Her family on both her mother’s and father’s sides was solid New England colonial stock with strong university connections.6 Most of her family remained in New England. One can imagine the conversations in the family home in Massachusetts when her father ventured to the frontier to join the faculty of a new college ‘out West’ in the wilderness.

During the Civil War, Lucy grew from a girl of 16 to a young woman of 20, she would have witnessed the loss of her generation of young men. Many Kansas setters enlisted on both sides and many were casualties of the violence and deprivation resulting from the conflict7. Her prospects for marriage were slim since her education and upbringing would have limited the number of acceptable (or interested) suitors. The war reduced those prospects further. One could surmise that she would not have rejected marriage, but that the opportunity would not have presented itself. One could also guess that the prospect would not have unduly distressed her. With a combination of frontier hardiness and New England resolve, she most likely viewed the single life as a chance to do what she wanted.

The devastating losses of the Civil War had many repercussions. Veterans from both sides flocked to the West to begin new lives. The railroad was completed to Abilene and cattle drives brought new prosperity for ranchers and to Chicago as the hub of Western commerce. There was a lack of men in medicine, education and other fields that Lucy’s generation would have pursued. During this period, many women began careers that became unthinkable when the male population resurged in subsequent decades.

Somewhere between 1880 and 1886, Lucy traveled (possibly to live with family in New Haven, Connecticut) and began studies in medicine.8 By 1879, the medical college at Yale had begun.9 At that time, experimental specialties were springing up rapidly. It seems that she studied homeopathic medicine. The source of her interest in medicine can only be guessed – it could be the condition of returning war veterans, the paucity of frontier resources in the face of disease, the shortage of trained medical practitioners, or any other of many things she witnessed in her life. She may have received nursing training during the time she taught school in Kansas prior to 1880.10

Her life was inextricably linked with her church, the traditional Congregational church of New England. Her father was ordained in that denomination and taught at the college founded by them. The family would have been closely acquainted with the politics and personalities in the college and the church ruling body. Family life for most people in this era usually revolved around Sunday activities, even if the head of the household wasn’t a member of the clergy.

Through her father, Lucy was undoubtedly familiar with church newspapers and circulars, as well as faithful attendance at lectures by visiting Congregational personalities. Startling news travels fast in tightly knit organizations, and Lucy’s church was no exception. Rev. Dr. Judson Smith, a former doctoral student at Oberlin, gave a groundbreaking speech at the 75th anniversary celebration of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, held in Boston in 1885. It seems likely that a copy of the commemorative reprint of the speeches may have found it’s way to her. We know that she somehow was acquainted with the speech because Lucy alluded to it in a letter to Dr. Smith, the secretary of the ABCFM at the time.11

You can almost hear the ringing voice of this pivotal leader as you read his words. He outlined the state of the mission field, asserting that after 75 years things need to take a new turn. Now education and medical assistance need to be added to the preaching of the Gospel, and the astonishing addition of women in their own right to be recruited for the field. Prior mission projects recruited men and required them to bring wives to support the work. Now women with the necessary skills were to be sought and sent. Dr. Smith expounded on the changes of the mission method, not its message, and described the need for a new vision.

Lucy took the message quite literally and offered her services to the ABCFM. Dr. Smith’s speech was delivered in the same year that her mother died and Lucy may have felt less tied to home and family. She was single, an experienced teacher and a medical doctor, and convinced of her calling to take the Gospel to the wider world. The board accepted this ideal candidate for the new face of mission work.

Copies of 22 letters written to Dr. Smith and others during her mission service still exist in the ABCFM archives12. She wrote a letter from Chicago in November of 1886, noting that she would be heading to Kansas for a couple of weeks before leaving for San Francisco.13 Another letter was sent from Springfield, Kansas, mentioning her plans to take the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe railroad to San Francisco. In it she revealed something of her father and of her own purpose: “My father seems to rejoice that I am going to that distant part of the Earth to do what I can to prepare the world for the coming of the Lord, to lift up and enlighten those who have for so long at time lived in great darkness.”14

During her stay in California, she wrote two letters to Dr. Smith. From her address on Leavenworth St., in San Francisco she wrote a report in January 1887: “Yesterday I went down town and saw Mr. Flint and attended to the business connected with my boxes of household goods etc. And then with my brother went down to the Cliff House & Sea Rocks and had my first view of the great ocean with which I hope, under the guidance and providence of God, to become so familiar.”15

“I think I shall go over to Oakland tomorrow and see Mr. & Mrs. Sturgis. I feel quite impatient to see some who has been to the strange country to which I am going and who knows all about it. There are so many questions I want to ask in regard to it and the work which is being done there.”

“My dear old father was greatly interested in your letter to me (which was rec’d before leaving Kansas) and in the very kindly spirit & personal interest toward me which it manifested.”

Apparently quite a bit of her preparation was taken on faith. She wrote in March of 1887: “I was over to Oakland last week and in talking with Capt. and Mrs. Bray they queried as to what I was to do for a house to live in when I reached Ponape. And wanted to know if building materials were to be taken along in the Star. They seemed to think the house-room was already fully occupied. I told them I knew nothing of the matter but did not think you would send a lady out there to work without providing a roof to cover her head. Do you know anything of the condition of affairs there in that respect? I do not see how I can get along and do good work without having two rooms, one for receiving and examining patients, and one for my own private room where I can be entirely alone and rest.”16

Her professional interests remained in the forefront of her preparations. “ I was so glad to find an old friend in the person of the ships surgeon, an old Chicago acquaintance, and that added much to the pleasure of the trip. He has given me a letter of introduction to one of the leading physicians here, through whom I shall hope to learn something of the characteristic diseases and their treatment in these tropical regions.”17

Her father died in March of 1887 while she was still waiting to sail from San Francisco to Hawaii. In letters written from Honolulu, she refered to the death of her father and how she will miss telling him of her adventures: “I thank you more than I can express for the kind words of sympathy you send me. I shall sadly miss my dear father’s letters and I frequently find myself thinking as I hear or see something of interest, ‘I must write to Father about that.’ His interest in all that was going on of importance to the world, of politics, religion, science or literature was keen & active to the very last, notwithstanding his advanced age, which was 85.”18 In the same letter written on June 2, 1887, she declared how she enjoys the Hawaiian climate and the people. She recounted visits to Mrs. Simpson’s Chinese school, and to two girls’ ‘seminaries’ in Wailuku and Kawaiahao. Much of what she saw at the schools, she hoped to use in Micronesia.

Before she sailed for Pohnpei, she sent a photo of herself to Dr. Smith in Boston. In the letter dated July 1, 1887,19 she notes that Mr. and Mrs. Treiber will sail with her to the field. She includes a first person description of the political upheaval in the Hawaiian kingdom, and of the demands sent to the monarch by the ‘foreigners.’ Another notable experience was a visit to a secret collection of carved lava rock idols in the possession of Mr. Spencer. Lucy refers to them as ‘hideous.’

By August 14 of 1887, she arrived in Pohnpei on the Morning Star out of Honolulu. Lucy was once again pleased with the voyage, although seasick for a few days. Captain Garland was an admirable officer and the steward, Mr. Rose, was solicitous of his passengers. The ship stopped at Ruk (Chuuk) before heading to Pohnpei, and Lucy met the Logans about whom she had heard a great deal. Her first view of the ‘natives’ left her favorably impressed with their appearance. She arrived at a time of unrest with the Spanish government. With a Spanish man-of-war due in six weeks, the missionaries felt that circumstances might lead to their removal and building a house would be a useless expense. Nonetheless, her work began, infirmary space or no: The letter of August 15, 1887 noted: “There is no doubt that I shall have a plenty of medical work to do. The people are greatly rejoiced that they have a physician to go to, and I have had a number of cases brought to me already.”20 Lucy referred to the beauty of the location and to her growing affection for the 34 girls at the school. She spent one day at the mission and already had a letter full of opinions to record!

Three weeks after her arrival, Lucy recounted some of details of the Spanish insurrection in a letter to Mr. French. Mr. Doane had been carried off to Manila. The Pohnpeians had killed the governor, the surgeon, and the captain of the troops and about 40 others on July 4, 1887. A surprise arrival of the Spanish man-of-war brought the return of Mr. Doane, safe but still under suspicion of inciting the uprising. He placed himself in harm’s way to try to forestall further bloodshed. Writing on September 4, 1887, Lucy reported: “As they, the people of the various tribes will never give up the chiefs, as the Spaniards demand, to be punished, by either death or loss of title and rank, for the affair of July 4th. The people are very jealous of the rights of their chiefs and will fight for them more than for personal wrongs. So it seems more and more like a war for extermination.”21 Not all circumstances are so bleak – she also expressed excitement about the contents of a box she received from Chicago with personal gifts for her.

By the time she wrote a letter on November 19, 1887, she had a house built for her in “Oa” {Ohwa} up on a hill with a spectacular view. She held regular clinic hours as well as teaching at the girls’ school which had been established in 1882. A Spanish map of the area published in 1895 shows her home not far from the classrooms. She had dealt with an influenza epidemic, and the trials of trying to find someone to do the housework and laundry for the 33 girls at the school. She refused to do it herself, “It is work I do not and will not do. I do not feel that it would be good economy for me to give up the work I have spent years of hard work in fitting myself for it, to give up my time to oversee the washing of pots pans and kettles, and cooking of the simplest food required here.”22
During the visit of a Spanish man-of-war, she noted that she was pleased to have the officers in full dress call at the mission. In her letter, she remarked. “Some of them are quite fine looking men and it certainly seemed pleasant to see a lot of well dressed gentlemen after seeing so many naked heathen.”

Her independent frame of mind is quite evident in the letter to Dr. Smith on Nov. 23, 1887. She taught in both the boys’ and girls’ schools and saw much to improve: “The boys in the Training School are very eager to learn English and I enjoy teaching them very much indeed. Some of them are making very good progress. There has never been any attention paid to teaching English, which I feel is a great mistake, and especially with those who are fitting themselves for teachers and missionaries.”23

By the time January of 1888 arrives, Lucy cast a critical eye on people and conditions. She considered the proposal to move the girls’ school buildings and all, to Chuuk as wasteful and counter productive. As to the missionaries themselves, the health of Mr. Logan was frail, Mr. Rand’s health was miserable, and Miss Palmer was in a constant state of hysteria. Lucy had been none too well either, but considered her condition much improved. In her analysis of the schools, she wrote, “I cannot see as there is any effort to set them to thinking. They seem to go over & over in a parrot-like way without making any progress.”24 This particular letter was addressed to Dr. Smith as a personal one, not to be made public. Her concerns are considerable,

Because Mrs. Treiber was pregnant and close to her “confinement,” Lucy was sent to Chuuk to attend to the woman and the birth. It was a horrendous experience for her. Her letters are direct and explicit reports on the state of the mission in that part of Micronesia. On the way back from the Chuuk mission, she became quite ill.

A report written a short time after her return reflected her exhaustion and frustration. In the letter dated March 5, 1888, she stated “I feel more and more strongly that the A.B.C.F.M. should support but one training school for girls in the Caroline Islands or in Micronesia for that matter and that should be strongly equipped and thorough in its course, with teachers who have an aptitude to teaching & characters strong enough to impress themselves upon the pupils. Otherwise it is a perfect waste of money and labor. Religious zeal is not all that is wanted here. I feel utterly disheartened in regard to the schools here and see no ray of light for the future.”25 Lucy recounted incidents concerning Mr. Treiber. She described him as possessing a “passionate overbearing manner,” earning the dislike and distrust of natives and pupils alike. She accused him of mistreating Mrs. Logan, now widowed, and that he was capable of “meanness and utter ruthlessness.” Indignantly she asserted that if she were a man, she would have given Mr. Treiber a horsewhipping as hard as she could lay on. In her letter, Mr. Rand was cited as concurring with her assessment and Mrs. Logan read it and agreed with Lucy’s notes.

In one of the most telling passages she wrote. Lucy earnestly advised Dr. Smith to be extremely cautious: “Mr. Treiber is hoping and expecting that you will send two single ladies to be teachers in the school. But I want to enter a most earnest protest against your sending any such as long as he is in charge here, for he would soon make their life here a perfect purgatory, and they would not be safe from insults and constant annoyances. And the life of a single woman is very trying out here even when treated with kindness and consideration, as I have been in Ponape. Don’t send any ladies till you can have a force of at least four women who are congenial to each other so that there can be some society and support to each other and out of the number you can be sure that one will be laid aside all the time by illness for this is a terribly trying climate for white people and especially for ladies.”26

The next letter was written six months later on Sept. 14, 1988. Mrs. Treiber’s baby was born in April after a “long and tedious labor, and finally instrumental delivery.” The necessity for Lucy’s medical attention ended on the first of May and she wrote that she spent the remainder of the time in “weary waiting for an opportunity to get home again.” She reflected on a deep disappointment in the schools. At some length, she described the rudimentary education given in the schools in contrast to the glowing description given by Dr. Smith in Indiana of “six high schools” in the islands. Lucy described her increasing ill health and observed that she originally thought that a year in the islands would prove sufficient to acclimate her. On the voyage home, she suffered from a fever and seasickness, with subsequent to pains in her back and head. In a little over a year since her arrival on Pohnpei, her highest hopes had been thoroughly crushed: “Finding the conditions of things here, and the conditions connected with the work so very different from what I had expected, and the various trying experiences through which I’ve been forced to pass have told fearfully upon my physical well being and I know I cannot endure very much more. The terrible loneliness & utter isolation are no mean factor in producing sad results.”27

The letter of September 29, 188828 was originally sent on a ship that was wrecked on the reef. The mail was rescued and the letter returned to Lucy who sent it on to Boston later. Among other news cited in the letter, Mr. Doane and Mrs. Fletcher were ill and returning to the U.S. The Spanish began building a compound for a priest and school at Kitte. Her home was shut up and her medical work ended when she had to replace Mrs. Fletcher as a teacher at the girls’ school. She decided that she could no longer continue as a missionary. Lucy described her apprehension that Dr. Smith would find her weak and cowardly. She clearly saw that staying any longer would be unwise. She will stop before it is too late. She has seen Miss Palmer’s hysteria, Mrs. Snelling’s illness, the death of Mr. Logan and Mr. Forbes, Mr. Treiber’s destructive personality, and more sadness and disappointment than she can endure. She described the mental suffering caused by her stay on Chuuk, the “terrible isolation” and “dreadful surroundings” – the staff “continually working, working, working” with no relief. She once more offered her advice on the schools and missionary work. As an experienced teacher and doctor, she analyzed conditions and suggests remedies – none particularly optimistic.

Lucy referred to the shipwreck and return of the mail in the first paragraph in her letter dated Dec. 18, 1888.29 She continued to cite support for her decision to leave Pohnpei. She reported that Mr. Doane’s health continued to fail, and Miss Palmer was always in delicate health and unable to do much of anything. Lucy’s own health continued to be a hindrance. She offered many of the same opinions about the mission work with some variation on her prior writings.

In the spring of 1889, the political situation on Pohnpei came to a boil.30 “The Acting Governor issued a proclamation to the people, making certain demands of them, which if not fulfilled within a certain time he would open a bombardment and ‘shell’ everything which could be reached by their cannons,” wrote Lucy in June. Mr. Doane and Mr. Rand did all they could but the Pohnpeians refused to cooperate with the Spanish. The subsequent shelling did no damage except to an abandoned house. Needless to say, the missionaries were fearful that general bloodshed would be the eventual result. Finally, an influential Pohnpeian, Leben Net, brokered an agreement at the last possible moment. The governor, the fourth since the Spanish troops arrived, seemed to be relieved that the incident was over. Lucy referred to him as “older than the rest.” In her opinion, the under officers were disappointed, feeling that they were cheated of a chance of promotion. A possible sighting of a German man-of-war added to the unease on the part of the mission staff.31

By June 13, 1889, Lucy reported that a “fresh one” will soon replace the Spanish man-of-war and letters sent out of Manila on the return voyage.32 She planned to return to Honolulu on the next voyage of the Morning Star but that presumably was not to take place for months. She worried that she would not have the support she needed for food and “raiment.” She inquired if the Board intended to support missionaries on the way back from the field. She was concerned about her health, and said that she didn’t dare go East from San Francisco until her health improved. As for the future, “I hope to be able to settle somewhere and practice my profession.” Lucy continued to worry that the Spanish under yet another Governor would harm the King and the Chiefs.

She left Micronesia in October of 1889 on the Morning Star and was miserably ill during the voyage. During her stay in Honolulu, her illness was diagnosed as spinal meningitis. The next letter to Boston is dated December 9, 1889 and mailed from Honolulu. She wrote, “It was as great a surprise to me as it could be to you, and it took a long time for me to realize that it was not a delightful dream. But no words can express my joy and thankfulness when I found that I was really to have the blessings of companionship, civilization, nourishing food, more invigorating air and medical help six months sooner than I had hoped for . . . .I am not one given to crying but the tears – not tears of sorrow – fell from my eyes when I saw the dear old Morning Star in the early dawn of that October morning steam inside our harbor so unexpectedly.”33 She expressed concern for Miss Palmer who was left alone, and hopes that the help the Hawaiian Women’s Board sent, in the person of Mrs. Cole, would arrive before Miss Palmer broke entirely. Expressing concern for the boys’ school, Lucy observed that the boys were increasingly reckless and vicious. The Chiefs and the King failed to curb them and the mission staff lacked someone to deal effectively with the students. Mr. Nanpei, a native teacher, had done excellent work with the boys but the job was too much for the few workers.

On Feb. 28, 1890, during her stay at the YWCA in San Francisco, she wrote a report on her current state of affairs.34 Her voyage from Honolulu was rough and uncomfortable and she caught a cold. In spite of her physical discomfort, she visited friends in Oakland and had made friends with Miss Bishop, who was staying in a room adjoining Lucy in spite of her physical discomfort. Dr. Morton had been treating her with electrical treatment “in the hope of waking more of life and elasticity in these sluggish nerve cells.” She now had some relief from the intense pain in her spine that she had suffered for months. In her own direct way, she upbraided Dr. Smith for not realizing that her illness was so serious when she had definitely informed him of her condition prior to this letter. Lucy also defended the publication of one of her letters in the Kansas Telephone. She informed Dr. Smith that the letter was written to a dear friend of her father’s and not for publication: “If he saw fit to publish it – I have nothing to say.” In the last half of the letter, Lucy summarized her feelings about the mission. She felt that the early “strong” staff did much good. She didn’t recommend giving up but wanted the Board to realize what was needed. She repeated emphatically her assertion that young single woman should not be sent out, and that she regretted the inevitable closing of the girls’ school at Kosrae since Mrs. Smith was no longer there.

On April 4, 1890, Lucy was still in San Francisco.35 She noted that Miss Crosby had left for her home in the east. Lucy observed that Miss C. has recovered far better that expected from the morphine dependency to which she was subject for so long. Miss Crosby, however, still suffered from “excitement of the nervous system” and “her appetite is very fickle.” Lucy was sad to hear through the usual channels that Mrs. Logan was unwell and Mr. Doane was worse than ever. She expressed her thanks for the support from the A.B.C.F.M. for the next six months while she recovered and made plans for her future. She anticipated leaving San Francisco on February 22nd and arriving in Chicago on June 1st.

The last written report on record that Lucy made to Boston is dated Aug. 25th, 1890. She was in Clifton Springs, New York for a hot springs cure for her ailments. It is a one page reply to correspondence from Dr. Smith dated Aug. 20th. “I have been feeling for several weeks that I must write you and formally request to have my connection with the Board canceled but have allowed my time and strength to be all taken up without getting the letter written. But now your action renders it unnecessary for me to do so. I suppose our correspondence is now closed. There is no more occasion for writing and I desire to return thanks for all your kindly expressions and the interest you have shown in me as one of the humble workers in the great field. I hope to be able to do something for the Master somewhere and to take up work again, before may months have passed, in our own land.” She signed the letters in the same fashion as all of the previous ones: “Yours very respectfully, Lucy M. Ingersoll.”36

After her recovery, she apparently practiced medicine, as she had wanted. She may have lived in Connecticut near her family from 1890 to about 1910. The 1900 census lists her in New Haven, Conn. The census also lists her in California in 1910 so she may have visited there once in a while37. Then there is a reference to her medical practice in Topeka, Kansas in 1919.38 It appears that she finally came back to California at the end of her life. She may have lived with her sister in Riverside, California until her death in 1936 at the age of 91.39

Lucy’s letters open a window to a particular time and place in the history of world missions.
They expose the work and stresses experienced by women in foreign fields. Lucy pointedly critiques mission education with an analysis that is ahead of her time. Readers of her letters can’t help noting the physical and emotional strains on missionaries that limit the time actually spent in doing the fieldwork. Even though her letters were penned over a century ago, her concerns have not aged. Those who are engaged in mission work today can read her words and feel the emotion and resolve that she experienced as if it was their own.

Reference:

AMERICAN BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS FOR FOREIGN MISSIONS
Title: Papers; Dates: 1852 - 1929
Reels & Format: 1 reel, 35mm microfilm Reel 843
Holding: Houghton Library, Harvard University, and Cambridge MA 02138

Vol. 7. Letters, 1860-1871; v. 2. Q-R. [455]

#1 November. 19, 1886 Letter from Chicago to Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#2 December. 1, 1886 Letter from Springfield, Clay County, Kansas to Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#3 January 11, 1887 Letter from San Francisco, CA To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#4 March 21, 1887 Letter from San Francisco, CA To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#5 May 5, 1887 Letter from Honolulu To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#6 June 2, 1887 Letter from Honolulu To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#7 July 1, 1887 Letter from Honolulu To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#8 August 15, 1887 Letter from Ponape To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#9 September 4, 1887 Letter from Ponape To: Mr. French

#10 November 19, 1887 Letter from Ponape To: Friends
Nov. 20 – Part II – arrival of the Essex, US man-of-war
{Missing next to last page(s)}

#11 November 23, 1887 Letter from Ponape To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#12 January 23, 1888 Letter from Ponape To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#13 March 5, 1888 Letter from Chuuk To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#14 September 14, 1888 Letter from Ponape To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D.

#15 September 29, 1888 Letter from Ponape To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D

#16 December 18, 1888 Letter from Ponape To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D

#17 Spring (?) 1889 Letter from Ponape To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D
{Missing front page}

#18 June 13, 1889 Letter from Ponape To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D

#19 December 9, 1889 Letter from Honolulu To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D

Vol. 11. Letters, 1890-1899; v. 2. Letters A-K. [573]

# 345 February 28, 1890 Letter from San Francisco, CA To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D

# 346 April 4, 1890 Letter from San Francisco, CA To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D

#347 August 25, 1890 Letter from Clifton Springs, New York To: Rev. Judson Smith D.D

Ancestry.Com Colonization of Eaton County, Michigan Advanced by Efforts of Oberlin College of Lorain County, Ohio. (1835 – 1840).

Askew, Thomas A. 1900. The New York Ecumenical Missionary Conference: A. Centennial Reflection.
Publication: International Bulletin of Missionary Research.

Avery, Lillian Drake A genealogy of the Ingersoll family in America, 1629-1925 : comprising descendants of Richard Ingersoll of Salem, Massachusetts, John Ingersoll of Westfield, Mass., and John Ingersoll of Huntington, Long Island. P. 202.

Coburn, Carol K. Women and Gender in Kansas History. Kansas History: A Journal of the Central Plains 26 (Summer 2003): 126–51.

Coleman, John P (1986). Casting Bread on Troubled Waters: Grahamism and the West
The Journal of American Culture 9 (2), 1– 8.

Cutler, William. 1883. William G. Cutler's History of Kansas - Clay County. A. T. Andreas, Chicago, IL.

Early Medical Education for Women in St. Louis 2004 Washington University School of Medicine, St. Louis, Missouri. Published by the Bernard Becker Medical Library

Flexner, Abraham. 2006. Medical Education in the United States and Canada. Bulletin Number Fou8r (The Flexner R) (1910). Carnegie FoundaTION FOR THE Advancement of Teaching.

The Medical Standard. Vol. 42, no. 1 (Jan. 1919).

Medicine at Yale 1701- 1901. Cushing/Whitney Medical Library.
http://info.med.yale.edu/library/exhibits/yalemed1/eighteenth.html

MIGenWeb. History of Eaton County Michigan. Creation of Eaton county.
http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~mieaton/pageone.htm

New York Times. June 28, 1882. New Haven, June 27. At the meeting of the Yale College Alumni.

New York Times. April 21, 1900. Conference for Missions: Welcome of Delegates from all Parts of the World, Opening Ceremonies To-Day.

Olivet – One Hundred Years (1844 – 1944) Publ. By interested citizens of Olivet, Michigan. 1944.

Pereiro, A. Gabeza. 1895. La Isla De Ponape: Geografia, Etnografia, Historia. Manila.

Robert, Dana L. The Influence of American Missionary Women on the World Back Home
Religion and American Culture, Vol. 12, No. 1 (Winter, 2002), pp. 59-89

Terpstra, Michael G. Lucy M. Ingersoll, M.D. Family Tree. © 2008, The Generations Network, Inc.
http://trees.ancestry.com/fhs/home.aspx?tid=3644639

For More Information: E-Mail